Duval County Political Development Through History, Part II

Duval County Political Development Through History

Alfredo E. Cárdenas

Part 2 of a Series

Duval County Tejanos saw promise in the new land laws adopted by Texas, which were designed to protect their land ownership, which they had acquired from Spain and Mexico. Moreover, the Texas political structure could serve as a vehicle to achieve goals of protecting not only their land but also ensuring their political liberties.

Since only a handful of Americanos lived in the unorganized county of Duval before the Civil War, Tejanos were in a position to dominate the electoral process. Duval County Tejanos began to assert their political rights in a special election called by the governor in 1860 to select a district judge who would determine their land rights. The Tejanos’ choice for the judgeship won the election, but Governor Sam Houston threw out the Duval votes, giving the win to one of his financial and political supporters. The district court ruled in favor of the Tejano candidate. The matter, however, was appealed to Austin, where the Texas Supreme Court ruled in favor of the governor’s and Americanos’ candidate. Nonetheless, the new judge invited a neighboring judge to hear the land cases, and Tejanos achieved their goal of retaining their lands.

With the start of the Civil War in 1861, Tejanos’ political prospects diminished and continued at a snail’s pace through the end of Reconstruction. During the Reconstruction and Gilded Age periods (1865-1900), the area known as Duval underwent significant political changes. In 1876, when local political leaders formally organized Duval County, Tejanos received only a marginal opportunity to effect change, despite favorable electoral numbers. Tejanos only won a paltry number of positions in their local government in the county’s first election; voters elected Calixto Tovar as county treasurer, making him the first Tejano elected to a countywide post in Duval. But he would not be the last.

Other political gains came slowly, too sluggish for the Tejano leadership. In 1886, they broke away from the Democratic Party establishment and, following a model developed in Laredo, formed political factions known as the Botas (boots) and Huaraches (sandals). The Tejanos initially aligned with the Botas, but two years later, they continued to be dissatisfied with the arrangement and the pace of politics. They split from the Botas to form the Mexican Texan Party and met in Concepción to select a slate for the upcoming election. But, as before, Americanos co-opted the new party, and Tejanos were again on the outs.

Through the remainder of the nineteenth century, Tejanos slowly increased their political presence. By 1900, they held three countywide offices, as well as several positions of justice of the peace and constable. While they had no clear political leader, the Tejanos possessed valuable resources, not the least of which was their sheer numbers and prospective voter strength. Tejanos had 1,576 residents of voting age, compared to the Americanos’ 140—impressive numbers, but somewhat subpar given the wins and losses.

Pedro Eznal

Midway through the Progressive Era (1898-1924), the political dam broke in Duval County, facilitated by Americano-initiated violence. By 1910, Tejanos held two commissioner seats and five countywide offices and were determined to keep moving forward, making political gains. However, on May 18, 1912, a tragic event triggered a seismic change in Duval County politics. While voters in San Diego, Duval’s county seat, filed to the polls to determine whether they should incorporate their city, the morning’s calm exploded on the courthouse grounds when three Americanos shot and killed three Tejano leaders, Pedro Eznal, Candelario Sáenz, and Antonio Anguiano.

Archie Parr

After dispatching his family to safety in Corpus Christi, Benavides County Commissioner Archie Parr went to San Diego and offered help to the Tejano community, counseling them to refrain from responding in kind; he advised vengeance would be a mistake. While an all-Americano jury in faraway East Texas acquitted the three Americano shooters, the history of Duval County changed forever.

Tejanos finally began to take command of their political destiny. They shared power with Parr, but make no mistake, Parr would be a footnote in history had it not been for the overwhelming Tejano vote with which he partnered. Indeed, Tejanos were already marching towards the same disposition; it may have taken longer without the Parrs, but the trend and numbers indicate that Tejanos would soon dominate politics.

“What can we expect from a political party that has its genesis in spilling Mexican blood?” La Libertad publisher F. de P. González asked. Tejanos took note and moved forward, arm in arm with Archie Parr, turning the political tables upside down and acquiring significant influence over the politics in Duval County, setting their sights on the future. “While Parr lives,” editor González noted, “the people will be loyal to him, and they will not lose. They will enjoy triumph after triumph until all citizens of the county come together under the banner of Parr’s party.”